The transition of Russia and her people during the collapse
of the Soviet Union and through the early post-Soviet era was a socially and
economically tumultuous time, especially for the Russian working class
population, as “bureaucrats converted apparatus power into capital wealth” (Pirani, p. 16, 2010). The last few years of the Soviet Union could
almost be described as a mass scheme in capital laundering of state funds to
private ownership by those in high government positions, as banking reforms in
1987 through 1988 and the privatization of state companies allowed state
capital to drain into the private sector (Pirani, p. 18, 2010). Interestingly enough, instead of rejecting
the privatization process and the encroachment of parasitic capitalism, the
majority of Russian workers unwittingly accepted it with high hopes in which
laborers formed labor unions in the hope that Russian natural resources and
Russian labor could be sold on the free market for higher prices which would
result in higher profits being reinvested in better working conditions for
laborers (Pirani, p. 21, 2010). After
the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yeltsin’s “shock therapy” mimicked “a
method developed in the United States in the 1970s” (Pirani, p. 24, 2010) that
was utilized to economically exploit Latin American states, which consisted of
abolishing price setting, by allowing the international market to determine the
value of the ruble (via the International Monetary Fund), and to rapidly
privatize state property on a massive scale resulting in 90,000 companies being
privatized by end of 1993 (Pirani, p. 25, 2010).
Yeltsin was a western puppet leader, propped up by the capitalist
west, who opened his state to the international free market and recklessly engaged
his country into conditional programme loans by the IMF while allowing U.S.
policy makers to make “every significant economic decision” (Parani, p. 27,
2010) of his presidency. As the Russian
people starved on the streets in the in the face of hyperinflation, soaring unemployment
and spiking poverty levels due to mass capital flight from Russia, U.S. President
Clinton and the IMF would carefully show support for Yeltsin at politically
critical times, specifically in the form of increased IMF loans, in order to
keep their capitalistic-stringed puppet in power. During this period, “capital flight from
Russia totaled $56-70 billion in 1992-1993, and about $17 billion a year in
1994-1998” (Parani, p. 29, 2010).
In addition to the capital flowing into the private sector
and out of the state, the post-Soviet satellite states were also lost to Russia
as they were quickly sucked up into the World Trade Organization’s global
market and economically exploited through the ravishing of natural resources by
the most powerful capitalist private entities on the international stage
through tariff-free trade blocs. During
the decade after the dismembering of the Soviet Union, the state that had once
been one of the world’s two superpowers began to portray worse socio-economic
issues than many post-colonial states had displayed as their European colonial
master states withdrew and western-friendly puppet leaders were placed in those
newly declared independent states.
Russia’s transition into the global private market wasn’t
much different than the transition from state controlled colonialism to international
private sector free market debt during the decolonization to globalization
period.
Pirani, Simon. 2010. Change
in Putin's Russia: power, money and people (London: Pluto Press, 2010), 16-31.
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