Putin followed in the aftermath of Yeltsin, who had been the post-Soviet
Western puppet leader that engaged Russia into debt with the International
Monetary Fund and had allowed a privatization process to infiltrate Russia
domestically which resulted in mass capital flight. Putin was able to solidify
his power and the state government power through several methods and events.
Putin originally solidified power as an “image as the Russian soldiers’
inspiration” (Pirani, p. 111, 2010) through the so-called war in Chechnya who
“strengthened in the armed forces a sense of statehood that had been severely
eroded” (Pirani, p. 111, 2010) by the infiltration of capitalist privatization
that had occurred in the 1990’s under Yeltsin. While Yeltsin bowed to
capitalism, Putin focused on the state. Putin reversed the anarchy of
privatization and weakening of the Russian state caused by Yeltsin back toward
more Soviet-era pogroms placing the state structure as top priority. The
textbook actually compares Putin’s invasion of Chechnya in 1999 to the United
States invasion of Iraq, stating that the U.S.-British invasion of Iraq was
about strategic interests in the Middle East while the Russian invasion of
Chechnya was concurrent with increasing power regulation and restrictions within
the Russian state (Pirani, p. 118, 2010). Basically, the events comprising of
the crackdown on Chechnya by the Russian state were either unintentionally
carried over into the domestic Russian political power structure or the events
were intentionally designed to bring about the domestic tightening of power
within Russia. Either way, it strengthened the state while diminishing
individual freedoms (which must be unbiasedly weighed by what is best for the
current and long term). The process of Chechenisation, the “control by local
leaders loyal to the Russian state” (Pirani, p. 114, 2010) within Chechnya, can
also be mirrored in the domestic political structure of Russia under Putin as
“the proportion of military personnel in the National Security Council grew to
58 percent in 2003” (Pirani, p. 119, 2010) and major percentage increases in
military personnel were also noted in government and presidential envoys. The
only counterargument on behalf of Putin for this increase in military presence
within the government bureaucracy was that Putin had been prior military
himself, and possibly wanted to surround himself with like-minds and people of
loyal military character. The national polls announcing high levels of public
support for Putin and his election victories have been targeted by western
accusations of ballot box stuffing, especially in the territories of Chechnya,
Dagestan and Ingushetia (Pirani, p. 117, 2010). There is probably some truth to
these accusations, but also some western media promotion of those suggested
accusations. Another political power consolidation process that took place under
Putin was the creation of the Unity party and the “driving of opposition parties
out of parliament” (Pirani, p. 121, 2010) through changes in election rules
aimed to eliminate smaller political parties. Under Putin, the national
television stations were also brought under state control and “indirect state
influence is also realized through the dominant ownership share in many regional
TV channels by Gazprom-Media, a subsidiary of the state-controlled natural gas
company” (Kesselman, Krieger, and Joseph, 358). Despite western criticisms,
Putin’s Russia today is considered a soft authoritarian state and “partial or
complete state ownership has remained fairly intact or even been restored after
earlier privatization was carried out. (Kesselman, Krieger, and Joseph, 357). A
good question would be: What would Russia look like today if Putin would not
have made the changes he has made and foreign investment (private capital
exploitation of natural resources and labor) would have continued on in
Yeltsinian fashion?
Resources
Kesselman, Krieger, and Joseph. 2013. Introduction to Comparative Politics,
6th edition. Boston, MA: Wadsworth
Pirani, Simon. 2010. Change in Putin's Russia: power, money and people,
London: Pluto Press.
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